
• Of
the 272,111 persons released from prisons in 15 States in 1994, an estimated
67.5% were rearrested for a felony or serious misdemeanor
within 3 years, 46.9% were reconvicted, and 25.4% resentenced to prison
for a new crime.
• The
272,111 offenders discharged in 1994 accounted for nearly 4,877,000 arrest
charges over their recorded careers.
• Within
3 years of release, 2.5% of released rapists were rearrested for another
rape, and 1.2% of those who had served time for homicide were
arrested for a new homicide.
Sex offenders were less likely than non-sex offenders to be rearrested
for any offense –– 43 percent of sex offenders versus 68
percent of non-sex offenders.
• Sex
offenders were about four times more likely than non-sex offenders to
be arrested for
another sex crime after their discharge from prison –– 5.3
percent of sex offenders versus 1.3 percent of non-sex offenders

• At
least 95% of all State prisoners will be released from prison at some
point; nearly 80% will be released to parole supervision.
• At
yearend 2002, 1,440,655 prisoners were under the jurisdiction of State
or Federal correctional
authorities.
• In
2001, about 592,000 State prison inmates were released to the community
after serving
time in prison.
• Nearly
33% of State prison releases in 1999 were drug offenders, 25% were violent
offenders and 31% were property offenders.
• 670,169
adults were under State parole supervision at yearend 2002.
• By
the end of 2000, 16 States had abolished discretionary release from prison
by a
parole board for all offenders.
• Among
State parole discharges in 2000, 41% successfully completed their term of supervision;
relatively unchanged since 1990.
• In 2002, 53
percent of all Texas admissions were because of parole and felony probation
revocations. By the end of 2002, Texas held
the second highest state prison population in the nation and the third
highest incarceration rate.
• In
Texas that challenge is greater, since prisoners there spend 37 percent
more time
behind bars than their counterparts around the
country."
• Super-Intensive
Supervision Program (SISP)
• Project
RIO (Reintegration of Offenders)
• Project
COPE (Community Opportunity Programs in Education)
• Sex
Offender Treatment and Supervision Program
• Substance
Abuse Aftercare Treatment Program
• District
Resource Center (DRC)
• Serious
and Violent Offender Reentry Initiative Program (SVORI)
• Special
Needs Offender Programs (SNOP)
|
• Lesson • SEVEN
Reentry & Challenges
Faced
|
(If you would like a bound copy of these
lessons for you or your loved one, [Click Here] for
Products)
The Reality of Recidivism:
The harsh conditions of confinement, the strict policy adherence
and having all decisions made for the offender is sometimes less difficult
than making the right choices in a hostile free environment. Offender's visions
of new freedoms and successful life outcomes while incarcerated are often
met with realities of a difficult society structure. Self worth can dissipate
rapidly when expectations for employment, living arrangements and relationships
deteriorate.
Reintegration to a life of freedom is hard and intimidating. The odds of
a successful parole can be low. This final and in depth lesson will explore
these issues and offer insight on how to best overcome the adjustment. The
first challenges to face the new parolee are simply making good choices once
released.
Transition From Prison to Home
The psychological consequences of incarceration may represent significant
impediments to post-prison adjustment. They may interfere with the transition
from prison to home, impede an ex-convict's successful re-integration into
a social network and employment setting, and may compromise an incarcerated
parent's ability to resume his or her role with family and children. The
range of effects includes the sometimes subtle but nonetheless broad-based
and potentially disabling effects of institutionalization prisonization,
the persistent effects of untreated or exacerbated mental illness, the long-term
legacies of developmental disabilities that were improperly addressed, or
the pathological consequences of supermax confinement experienced by a small
but growing number of prisoners who are released directly from long-term
isolation into freeworld communities.
There is little or no evidence that
prison systems across the country have responded in a meaningful way to
these psychological issues, either in the course of confinement or at the
time
of release. Over t he next decade, the impact of unprecedented levels of
incarceration will be felt in communities that will be expected to receive
massive numbers
of ex-convicts who will complete their sentences and return home but also
to absorb the high level of psychological trauma and disorder that many
will bring with them.
The implications of these psychological effects for parenting and family
life can be profound. Parents who return from periods of incarceration
still dependent on institutional structures and routines cannot be expected
to
effectively organize the lives of their children or exercise the initiative
and autonomous decision making that parenting requires. Those who still
suffer the negative effects of a distrusting and hyper vigilant adaptation
to prison
life will find it difficult to promote trust and authenticity within their
children. Those who remain emotionally over-controlled and alienated from
others will experience problems being psychologically available and nurturant.
Tendencies to socially withdraw, remain aloof or seek social invisibility
could not be more dysfunctional in family settings where closeness and
interdependency is needed.
The continued embrace of many of the most negative aspects of
exploitative prisoner culture is likely to doom most social and intimate
relations, as will an inability to overcome the diminished sense of self-worth
that prison too often instills. Clearly, the residual effects of the post-traumatic
stress of imprisonment and the retraumatization experiences that the nature
of prison life may incur can jeopardize the mental health of persons attempting
to reintegrate back into the freeworld communities from which they came.
Indeed, there is evidence that incarcerated parents not only themselves continue
to be adversely affected by traumatizing risk factors to which they have
been exposed, but also that the experience of imprisonment has done little
or nothing to provide them with the tools to safeguard their children from
the same potentially destructive experiences.
The excessive and disproportionate use of imprisonment over the last several
decades also means that these problems will not only be large but concentrated
primarily in certain communities whose residents were selectively targeted
for criminal justice system intervention. Our society is about to absorb
the consequences not only of the "rage to punish" that was so fully
indulged in the last quarter of the 20th century but also of the "malign
neglect" that led us to concentrate this rage so heavily on African
American men.
Remarkably, as the present decade began, there were more young
Black men (between the ages of 20-29) under the control of the nation's criminal
justice system (including probation and parole supervision) than the total
number in college. Thus, whatever the psychological consequences of imprisonment
and their implications for reintegration back into the communities from which
prisoners have come, we know that those consequences and implications are
about to be felt in unprecedented ways in these communities, by these families,
and for these children, like no others. Not surprisingly, then, one scholar
has predicted that "imprisonment will become the most significant factor
contributing to the dissolution and breakdown of African American families
during the decade of the 1990s" and another has concluded that "[c]rime
control policies are a major contributor to the disruption of the family,
the prevalence of single parent families, and children raised without a father
in the ghetto, and the 'inability of people to get the jobs still available'."
Ex-Offenders who Violate the Terms of Release
For minor administrative rule violations, the Parole Division may, at
its discretion, decide to hold a conference with the offender or impose
a low-level sanction such as writing a letter of reprimand. However, any
offender who is alleged to have committed a new offense, absconded from
supervision, or violated any rules, terms, or conditions can have a warrant
issued for his or her arrest. Such warrants, which are sometimes referred
to as "blue warrants," will be executed by law enforcement authorities.
At a revocation hearing, testimony is heard, and the hearing officer will
determine whether enough evidence exists to recommend revocation. Even
if the offender has received a new felony conviction, a revocation hearing
will be conducted to consider mitigating circumstances, unless the offender
waives his or her right to the hearing. If the evidence shows a violation,
the hearing officer may recommend that the appropriate authorities (that
is, the Board) revoke the offender's parole or mandatory supervision.
If
supervision is not revoked, the Board may allow the offender to continue
supervision under the same or modified conditions. Alternatively, the Board
may order a transfer to an Intermediate Sanction Facility. Parolees arrested
or convicted for a technical violation or minor infractions while use face
a 90 to 120 days in prison stay, are now regularly being detained for sentences
longer than those served on their original convictions.
A Profile of Returning Prisoners
Of the 55,183 prisoners released from Texas Department of Criminal
Justice custody:
• 84 percent were male; 18 percent were married.
• 44 percent were non-Hispanic blacks, 32 percent were non-Hispanic whites,
and 24 percent were Hispanics.
• The median age at release was 34, and 70 percent were under 40. The youngest
prisoner was 17 years old and the oldest was 97.
• 39 percent had been incarcerated for drug offenses, 33 percent for property
crimes, 17 percent for violent offenses, and 11 percent for other
infractions, including driving-while-intoxicated and weapons offenses.
• The average prisoner served 3.3 years in state correctional facilities.
60 percent were released through non discretionary means, such as the end
of a court-ordered sentence; nearly all the rest were released through
the approval of the Board of Pardons and Paroles.
• 59 percent were subject to parole supervision or felony probation supervision
after release and had to abide by such conditions as having a job
or participating in drug or alcohol treatment.
Where Do They Go?
• Immediately following release, the vast majority (99 percent) went to
a Texas community, with 58 percent returning to five of 254 counties.
None of the remaining 249 counties received more than 2 percent of the
returning prisoners.
• Twenty-six percent returned to Harris County, which includes Houston.
Fifteen percent went to Dallas County, which encompasses the city of
Dallas. Eight
percent headed to Tarrant County, home to Fort Worth, and 6 percent
returned to Bexar County, which includes San Antonio. Travis County, which
includes Austin, received 4 percent.
• Of the 23,177 prisoners released to community-based parole or mandatory
supervision, the largest share (23 percent) returned to Houston.
Within the city, 26 percent returned to just seven neighborhoods facing high
levels of poverty, crime, and joblessness: Alief, East Houston, East
Little York/Homestead, Kashmere Gardens, Trinity/Houston Gardens, Third Ward,
and
MacGregor. Each
neighborhood received between 196 and 538 supervised prisoners,
more than many entire Texas counties
The Role of the Parole Officer
Rule number one, never miss or be late for a parole visit. A parole officer
is thoroughly trained to surveying uncertain behavior. A parole office
can get the help a parolee needs. There are many agencies, programs,
and people willing to help you make it! It is not a sign of weakness
to turn to them for help. It shows that you are smart—smart enough
to realize everyone needs support now and then.
Ask your parole officer or your parole agent to give you the names, addresses,
and phone numbers of local agencies and groups like these:
• Social service organizations
• Food pantries and places where you can get a free hot meal
• Places that have free or low-cost clothing
• Places where you can buy inexpensive used furniture
• Health clinics (free or low-cost) or health care providers
• Mental health clinics or mental health professionals
• Substance abuse treatment programs and support programs (Narcotics
Anonymous/Alcoholics Anonymous are for you, Nar-Anon and Al-Anon are for
your family)
• Support groups for ex-offenders and their families
• Check with libraries and community centers
• If you are a senior citizen, check with the Area Agency on Aging
Various Parole Programs
Mentally Retarded Offender Program (MROP) is a program that places mentally
retarded releasees on a specialized caseload with a parole officer trained
specifically for providing supervision and services that meet these offenders'
special needs.
Special Needs Parole is an early parole, with Board of Pardons and Parole
approval, permitted for offenders who are elderly, terminally ill, physically
handicapped, mentally ill or mentally retarded.
Sex Offender (SO) are offenders who have been sentenced for committing
a sexual offense, have a past conviction for an offense involving sexually
deviant behavior, have displayed sexually deviant behavior in the commission
of any offense, or have admitted committing sexually deviant behavior.
Sex offenders require a higher degree of supervision than other offenders
do.
Sex Offender Treatment Program (SOTP) has for its primary goal to reduce
the rate of re-offense and move the participant toward a more pro-social
lifestyle.
Substance Abuse Treatment Facilities (SATFs) primarily provide treatment
and rehabilitation to offenders with substance abuse problems. They also
offer education and life skills training. They may offer vocational training
and 24-hour supervision. |